By Kristian Coates Ulrichsen
Insecure Gulf examines how the idea that of Arabian/Persian Gulf 'security' is evolving in keeping with new demanding situations which are more and more non-military and longer-term. nutrition, water and effort protection, dealing with and mitigating the influence of environmental degradation and weather switch, addressing demographic pressures and the formative years bulge and reformulating structural monetary deficiencies, as well as facing the fallout from revolutionary kingdom failure in Yemen, require a huge, international and multi-dimensional method of Gulf defense. whereas 'traditional' threats from Iraq, Iran, nuclear proliferation and trans-national terrorism stay strong, those new demanding situations to Gulf defense have the aptitude to strike on the middle of the social agreement and redistributive mechanisms that bind kingdom and society within the Arab oil monarchies. accordingly, Insecure Gulf explores the connection among 'traditional' and 'new' protection demanding situations and situates it in the altering political economic climate of the GCC states as they circulate at various speeds towards post-oil buildings of governance. It describes how regimes are watching for and reacting to the transferring safeguard paradigm, and contextualises those adjustments in the broader political, fiscal, social and demographic framework. It additionally argues holistic method of safeguard is critical for regimes to resume their assets of legitimacy in a globalising world.
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Extra info for Insecure Gulf: The End of Certainty and the Transition to the Post-Oil Era
The second characteristic that frames regional discourse on security policymaking is a conflation of regime security with national security, in common with many other states in the developing world. Regime survival was paramount in ruling strategies during the transformational period of socio-economic transition into the oil era during the 1950s and 1960s. 2 The very survival of the monarchies contrasted starkly with the violent ending of monarchical rule in Iraq and Iran in 1958 and 1979 respectively.
Furthermore, while the two pillars of oil and external security continue to represent important factors in delimiting the geostrategic and commercial motivations of external interest in the Gulf, they must not obscure the crucial evolution of domestic and intra-regional challenges to stability. It is the interaction of these internal trajectories with the trans-national and global changes brought about by globalisation that will frame the parameters of changing regional security frameworks. â•… Together, these new and emerging issues—of resource insecurity and gradual hydrocarbon depletion, demographic growth and generational changes, and cross-border threats from climate change and environmental degradation—will impact on internal societal cohesion and require new responses to existing problems of unequal access to, and distribution of, resources.
The Dhofari rebels received political and military support from the socialist republic in south Yemen (the PDRY) and arms from the Soviet Union and China. ’50 â•… The heavy involvement of external actors in the Dhofar rebellion reflected the broader importance that each side attached to the conflict and its regional repercussions. Chinese policies in support of PDRY and PFLOAG were consistent with its rigid ideological and anti-imperialist motivations in the last years of the Mao period, before the transition began to a policy of moderation (and modernisation) under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, in 1978.
Insecure Gulf: The End of Certainty and the Transition to the Post-Oil Era by Kristian Coates Ulrichsen